The golden rule: the law of rule, not the rule of law
THE EPO's North Korean standards of 'justice' are putting everyone off, both inside and outside the Office. Even the media has begun speaking about it, in spite of the risk of bans (EPO management — like North Korea's regime — resorts to site-wide censorship of news sites that don't repeat its party line). No wonder top examiners are leaving. Even some top managers are leaving. It's quite an avalanche which Battistelli has kick-started and does not know how to stop. Battistelli "is doing all the wrong moves," one insider/reader told us, "shooting himself in the foot. [...] he's so full of himself that he doesn't care about the outside world, but he still has two years left, which is a lot of time" (enough time to destroy what's left of the EPO 'brand').
DG3 disciplinary case: decision from the Enlarged board of appeals EBoA
- The Enlarged board of Appeal has a public Oral Proceeding in the DG3 disciplinary case. From some prior information, it became obvious that the President had found it necessary to send a long threatening letter to the EBoA.
- Despite the pressure, the hearing was public. During the public part, Mr. Kongstad, the Chairman of the Administrative Council, was asked whether the Council distanced itself from the allegedly “threatening letter” (sic!). Since the answer received was not considered satisfactory, the Enlarged Board announced (according to IP Kat) the EBoA could not in the circumstances pursue the procedure, which accordingly was terminated without the EBA proposing removal from office of the respondent.
- Clearly this courageous decision will have consequences and will feed the debate on the independence of Board of Appeals, topic in discussion in the Reform proposal (CA/43/16), and which has been abundantly been criticised by AMBA, the Association of the Members of the BoA. Clearly a lot more is at stake than the personal case: how could the European public believe and trust the BoAs absolute judiciary independence when, according to the “court's” own perception, that independence is not unambiguously ensured?
- As far as the Disciplinary case is concerned, it means that unless the case is referred for the FOURTH time to the EBoA, the suspension and sanctions against [the] DG3 [judge] should be removed at the next session of the AC. But... [...] at the EPO, so the weirdest things are possible.
Under EU data protection law (Regulation (EC) No. 45/2001) covert surveillance measures have to be approved by a "prior checking procedure": "In cases where the risks to your fundamental rights are high, the institution concerned is obliged to assess the implications of that surveillance on privacy and data protection (also known as an impact assessment). This impact assessment must then be submitted to the EDPS for prior checking i.e. before the surveillance becomes operational." https://secure.edps.europa.eu/EDPSWEB/webdav/site/mySite/shared/Documents/EDPS/Publications/Factsheets/Factsheet_4_EN.pdf
Does anybody know what regulations apply at the EPO ? Is such retroactive rubber-stamping permitted ?
In addition to that Bulgarian judges appear to be well versed in the ramifications of covert surveillance operations: http://sofiaglobe.com/2016/01/15/bulgaria-former-court-chief-gets-suspended-sentence-in-eavesdropping-trial/
The Bulgarian Judges Association seems to understand a thing or two about the "separation of powers" doctrine: "Judges Association Urges Politicians Not to Jeopardize Law-Based State" http://www.bta.bg/en/c/DF/id/1015331?PageSpeed=noscript
One should keep in mind that the EBoA in this case comprised two external legal members (Kathrin Klett (CH) and Anna Dimitrova (BG)) (see http://www.epo.org/law-practice/legal-texts/official-journal/2016/etc/se1/p2.html and https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Art_23_1/15_and_Art_23_2/15). They are national judges of their respective countries and it can be assumed that they are well prepared to discern if the letter of the president represented a threat to the board or not.
Interesting to read that the EBA had invited three (!) members of the Investigation Unit as witnesses to its hearing. Both the chairman of the AC and the president of the EPO must have immediately understood this meant that the EBA would not simply endorse the alleged pieces of evidence put forward against the accused judge, but make an issue also of the way these have been obtained. Although an invitation to hear witnesses must have been issued largely in advance of the hearing, and put to the president€´s attention by his legal staff - who happens to also represent the AC in the procedure (!!) - the president waited for the very last day to send his explosive letter. This is pretty like launching a bomb on a moving train. But why did the procedure so direly need to be derailed? And why did the chairman of the AC deliberately not defuse the bomb?
I'm not normally one to see a conspiracy where a cock-up adequately explains events, but:
The AC has now tried three times to instigate proceedings to remove the Board member. Each time they have screwed up such that the proceedings could not continue. They are surely by now well aware of the standards of evidence and argument which will be required to persuade the EBOA to make a recommendation of dismissal, and yet each time they have failed to even get their case off the ground far enough to discuss substantive matters. To misquote Wilde: to screw up one attempt may be regarded as a misfortune. To screw up two may be regarded as careless. To screw up three...?
At first this level of incompetence seems hardly to be believable. Having failed twice now, surely they should have gone in with a watertight approach on the third attempt if they were serious?
Well - what if they're not seriously trying to remove the Board of Appeal member? Recall that Mr Kongstad was behind the leaked Board 28 communication expressing extreme frustration at Battistelli. Maybe the larger AC players, having lost patience with BB but unable to remove him due to his grip on the smaller members, have decided deliberately to undermine the credibility of their own case to remove Battistelli by other means.
So here we have the EBOA asking Kongstad to distance himself from BB's threats. Kongstad fails to do so - preserving whatever impression of loyalty to BB may remain. But in doing so, he torpedoes the proceedings against the Board of Appeal member, in a manner which drags BB's already-soiled reputation further into the mire. Sure, it also makes Kongstad look bad at first glance - but the major damage is to Battistelli. Hey presto, an opportunity for Kongstad to persuade the rest of the AC that "regardless of the merits of the case", they must reluctantly come to a decision to expel BB for the sake of the reputation of the Office...
Even if the smaller members vote in sufficient numbers to save Battistelli, the loss of support of the bigger members should surely be inevitable (if they have any sense of decency). Devoid of the support of DE, CH, FR, NL, maybe GB, surely his authority is drained and maybe the big players are then banking on the idea that he can either be brought to heel, removed with a final push at a later date once he fails to comply with them again, or persuaded to fall on his sword.
In other words, Kongstad avoids any public statement either against Battistelli, or in favour of the suspended Board member. He appears to remain loyal or neutral to the last, while at the same time ensuring that the proceedings fail in a manner designed to cause maximum embarrassment to BB.
It would be no crazier than anything else we've seen from the EPO lately.
Not a threat to declare an action by EPO employees unlawful? That is a very serious threat, because the EBA members, being EPO employees, would then disobey the statutes and could be accused of not acting in the interest of the office. You know what that means: investigation unit and sanctions, perhaps even dismissal. I do call that a threat.
Do not forget that under Article 10(2)(h) EPC the President may propose disciplinary action to the Administrative Council with regard to employees referred to in Article 11(3) (the members of the Boards of Appeal). Is the potential "threat" becoming clearer ?
The picture that is emerging here is that one of the aims of the President was to prevent public discussion about the covert surveillance measures.
Does anybody know what regulations cover the use of these measures at the EPO ? Obviously the EPO is outside the scope of the EU data protection law such as Regulation (EC) No. 45/2001.
Does it have any regulation to cover this matter or is the use of covert surveillance at the EPO completely unregulated ?
Can anybody help on this ?
I think you illustrate what I was saying. Article 10(2)(h) EPC existed for 30+ years without the Boards feeling unduly threatened by it.
However, the current relations between the Boards and the President are so fragile that they do now feel threatened, even when no explicit threat is made.
How can you claim that no explicit threat was made if you haven't seen the contents of the letter ?
As far as is known the President expressed the view that it would be "unlawful" to hold a public hearing.
Thus if the Board held a public hearing it would - according to the President's view - have committed an unlawful act. Or to use the favorite Eponian terminology these days - the members would have been guilty of "misconduct". And everybody inside the EPO knows what that means. Since December 2015 Board members can be suspended for a minimum of 24 months on a proposal from the President.
Under these circumstances who could blame the Board for requesting clarification from THEIR appointing authority (the Council) to which the President is also subordinate (or supposed to be)?
It is OBVIOUS that the onus was on the Admin Council to clarify the matter and to state UNAMBIGUOUSLY whether or not it shared the President's view about the "unlawful" nature of a public hearing.
If the Council did share the President's view then it would be likely to follow any proposal that he made under Article 10(2)(h) EPC. If it did not share the President's view then the Board had no reason to feel threatened.
The Council Chair should have given a clear and unambiguous answer to this question and it was his failure to do so that resulted in the termination of the proceedings.
PS: The safeguard of Article 34(2) of the Service Regulations has also existed for Staff Reps. and their nominees for 30+ years: "The fact of of performing such duties shall in no way be prejudicial to the person concerned." It was respected (more or less) by all previous Presidents who kept their staff rep bashing activities within the bounds of reason. That was until the current Pres decided to ride roughshod over it and "prosecute" staff reps and their nominees on trumped-up charges of "misconduct".
So the nervousness of the Enlarged Board members is very understandable. After all they are dealing with a person who once told them to their faces "In my opinion you are not judges !"
Now it seems that someone has finally had the courage to tell him "On s'en fout de votre opinion, Monsieur Battistelli".
All we know (from the accused BoA member's lawyer) is that the President's letter used the word "unlawful". You seem to acknowledge that.
But we have not been told of any actual explicit threat. As far as we know, he didn't actually say "If you hold these proceedings in public, I will do XXX". Everything else that you describe is just fear of what the President might do.
That fear is of course fuelled by what the President has done in the past, and by other, real threats that he has made to the Boards. That is the reason for the fragile relations to which I referred. It is the reason why the Boards are nervous. It is the reason why the independence of the Boards is a big issue.
I said all of this in my previous post. You are not saying anything which contradicts it.
I think there is a slight misunderstanding among commenters about what is meant by "threat" in this case. Yes, individual members of the EBoA who are EPO insiders (some were external persons) could indeed consider the President's letter personally threatening. But I think they meant that the President's interference was a threat to the integrity of the proceedings, by attempting to forbid the public hearing and by refusing to allow the EPO employees called as witnesses to testify. No fair hearing could be possible in such circumstances.
I guess the issue was not merely whether the members of the EBA themselves felt directly threatened in their job by the intervention of the president. Also the respondent (accused member of the boards) and the public at large had to be absolutely confident that the judges in charge would conduct the procedure and decide freely and in full independence, rather than acting as BB€´s puppets. The AC actually is the sole authority which could have given this guarantee in the circumstances, but it failed to do so despite having been offered several chances, apparently.
You mean, like the Disciplinary Committee which examined the cases of the three Staff Representatives? Certainly, if they felt threatened and under pressure from Battistelli, they could turn to their appointing authority which is ... oh, is Battistelli.
Freely and in full Independece! Urrah!
I like that.
Actually, I shall add it at the end of my grants to dispel the impression in the public that I'm granting only to reach Battistelli's targets.
I shall remove the "Urrah", though - it doesn't fit the code of conduct.
If there were no threats in that letter, BB will not pass up on the opportunity to penalise the EBA for groundlesly failing in ist duty to deliver the requested dismissal for the judge. So that, if he does not request a penalty for the EBA at the next AC, it will mean that the EBA can prove that threats were there in the letter.
There's a huge difference between writing in a letter that the procedure is "unlawful" and actually providing legal arguments in support of that statement - arguments that the EBoA would have certainly discussed and admitted or rejected, depending on their merit - and merely alleging that the procedure is "unlawful".
As someone noticed above, the consequences of doing something that Battistelli alleges is "unlawful" are very clear to every EPO employee - weapons and nazi memorabilia will be found in your office.
A comment over on IPKat may shed some light on this point:
=== When the computers in the public - public - area of the Office were put under control, there was no request to the Data Protection Officer. The request was made only after the guy was caught doing whatever he was doing.
=== From the article Welcome to EPOnia, the strange land of European patents that is outside the law:
A strange letter from the head of the EPO's Investigative Unit to the organisation's internal data protection officer asked whether the spying described above "would have been authorised"—implying the request was being made after the fact. Also curious is the handwritten authorisation on the document, which is dated December 3, 2014—exactly when the Board of Appeals member was suspended for "alleged dissemination of material which was, as was also alleged, defamatory."
=== Which means that the data collected from the public computers were obtained illegally.
They cannot be used. Had the witnesses of the IU confirmed this, in a public proceedings, the case would have crumbled. So, the President barred them because their deposition could have helped the defendant.
Mr. Battistelli sounds like a candidate for an award we used to have in the US, whereby worthy individuals were recognized for their unique contributions, arrayed in ceremonial finery and dispatched on a Victory Tour.
The colloquialism was "Tarred and feathered and ridden out of town on a rail".
One recipient was heard to remark, "If it wasn't for the honor of the thing, I think I'd rather walk."
But surely your tumbrels aren't all gone?